Understanding Marxism

When I was younger, I never had a thought of Marxism having any chance of succeeding in America. I had only a general knowledge of a revolution of class warfare promising the working class, which they considered downtrodden, a State of Utopia. Tomorrow the book American Marxism by Mark Levin, who is a lifelong constitutional scholar, will be released. A couple of weeks ago, I preordered it. In order to become prepared for his lessons in the potential takeover in this country by this extreme, radical, ideology I downloaded and read The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Fredrich Engels written in 1847.

I must tell you it frightened me. Starting on page 36, the plan for a worldwide system of Communism is described as follows:

“Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by
means of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on the
conditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures,
therefore, which appear economically insufficient and untenable, but which,
in the course of the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate
further inroads upon the old social order, and are unavoidable
as a means of entirely revolutionising the mode of production.
These measures will of course be different in different countries.

Nevertheless in the most advanced countries, the following will
be pretty generally applicable.

  1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents
    of land to public purposes.
  2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
  3. Abolition of all right of inheritance.
  4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
  5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means
    of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive
    monopoly.
  6. Centralisation of the means of communication and transport
    in the hands of the State.
  7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by
    the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and
    the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a
    common plan.
  8. Equal liability of all to labour. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.
  1. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries;
    gradual abolition of the distinction between town and
    country, by a more equable distribution of the population
    over the country.
  2. Free education for all children in public schools.
    Abolition of children’s factory labour in its present form.
    Combination of education with industrial production, &c., &c.
    When, in the course of development, class distinctions have
    disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the
    hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power
    will lose its political character. Political power, properly so
    called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing
    another. If the proletariat during its contest with the
    bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to
    organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it
    makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force
    the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these
    conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of
    class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have
    abolished its own supremacy as a class.

In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and
class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the
free development of each is the condition for the free
development of all. “

The most frightening is their views on religion, family and education:

The charges against Communism made from a religious, a
philosophical, and, generally, from an ideological standpoint,
are not deserving of serious examination.”

Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this
infamous proposal of the Communists.
On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family,
based? On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed
form this family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this
state of things finds its complement in the practical absence of
the family among the proletarians, and in public prostitution.
The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its
complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of
capital.
Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of

children by their parents? To this crime we plead guilty.
But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations,
when we replace home education by social.”

“And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by
the social conditions under which you educate, by the
intervention, direct or indirect, of society, by means of
schools, etc.? The Communists have not invented the
intervention of society in education; they do but seek to alter
the character of that intervention, and to rescue education from
the influence of the ruling class.
The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about
the hallowed co-relation of parent and child, becomes all the
more disgusting, the more, by the action of Modern Industry, all
family ties among the proletarians are torn asunder, and their
children transformed into simple articles of commerce and
instruments of labour.”

“But Communism
abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes all religion, and all
morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis; it
therefore acts in contradiction to all past historical
experience.”

If none of this concerns you and you in fact welcome this ideology, you are in no way an American. For these so called values are no values at all. They are 100% in opposition to our constitution. I’ve only touched on some glaring assaults on humanity by Communism. The thought came to my mind that Marx was truly a madman or else possessed by Satan. I’ll be watching for my copy of Mark Levin’s new book and let you know what I’ve learned.

Phyllis Weeks Rogers

July 12, 2021


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